Why are right-wing populists so opposed to climate policy?

It's not necessarily about scepticism towards science, but about nationalism, according to a researcher.

Donalt Trump på scenen foran teksten «Drill baby, drill» under et valgkamparrangement i 2024.
Donald Trump’s slogan “Drill baby, drill” captures his view on how the USA should meet its future energy needs.
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"Climate policy and climate research are under heavy attack from the Trump administration," Håkon Sælen recently said at the Cicero Day, a whole day dedicated to climate knowledge. 

Research shows that opposition to climate policy ranks among the top concerns for right-wing populist voters – second only to immigration.

Why are right-wing populists so against climate policy?

What is the connection between nationalism and opposition to climate policy? That is what researcher Håkon Sælen at Cicero has tried to find out. He presented some of his findings at Cicero Day on May 9, 2025.

More important than economy and gender

Håkon Sælen has explored this question through research.

Together with colleagues, he gathered data from Norway, the USA, Germany, and Australia. The study has not yet been published in a scientific journal, but Sælen presented some of the findings at Cicero Day.

The results suggest that attitudes toward climate issues are more decisive for right-wing populists than views on gender equality, crime, or the economy.

One key issue is carbon tax. The Trump administration, for instance, wants to remove emissions regulations on everything from coal power plants to mercury outputs.

Those who voted for populist parties were more often against such taxes.

Climate policy seen as a job threat

Sælen examined whether the opposition stems from economic concerns or ideological ones.

He says that one explanation researchers have focused on is that climate policies have negatively impacted certain groups, like coal miners in the USA and Poland.

For these workers, mine closures mean job loss and financial hardship.

Opposition to elites

Another key reason, according to Sælen, is that climate policies are seen as being driven by societal elites.

Populists often view society as divided into two groups that are in conflict with one another, Sælen explains. It's the people against the corrupt elite.

The corrupt elite broadly includes politicians, bureaucrats, the media, the cultural elite, and researchers.

"Opposition to climate policy can be interpreted as a reaction against these elites than as a rejection of climate issues themselves," says Sælen.

A threat to national sovereignty

Nationalism is the clearest characteristic of right-wing populism.

The idea that all countries should take responsibility for global warming, as laid out in the Paris Agreement, goes against nationalist ideals.

"They therefore reject a transnational responsibility for the consequences of greenhouse gas emissions," says Sælen, adding:

"This may be because the worst consequences occur in the Global South and are seen as irrelevant to us. Additionally, international cooperation on emissions reductions can be perceived as a threat to national self-determination."

In the study by Sælen and his colleagues, the patterns observed in the surveys align most closely with the nationalist and elitist explanation.

Not necessarily against science

The Trump administration has cut funding to elite universities in the USA and threatened to delete international climate data.

Still, opposition to climate policy is not necessarily tied to scepticism about the scientific basis for climate change, according to Sælen.

It's more about scepticism towards supranational cooperation and regulations.

"The issue mobilises voters who feel overlooked by a global elite and believe that decisions are being made without their input," says Sælen.

Does the opposition lead to fewer climate measures?

"When right-wing populists are in power, it results in less ambitious climate policy and increased emissions," says Sælen.

A recent study from the University of Bergen backs this up.

If the right-wing populist parties come into government, they use their power to hinder the institutions that are meant to accelerate the energy transition, says Mahir Yazar, a researcher at the Department of Geography.

Kari Steen-Johnsen from the Institute for Social Research at Cicero Day.

Why terminology matters

Kari Steen-Johnsen from the Institute for Social Research has studied the far right on social media in Scandinavia. Her research also includes far-right radicals and extremists, not just right-wing populists.

She believes the terms we use to describe right-wing populists, far-right individuals, and so-called climate sceptics are important.

"When we research politically controversial topics, it's important how we label them, so we don't unintentionally push them in the wrong direction," says Steen-Johnsen.

Is the Progress Party right-wing populist?

Håkon Sælen believes this is an important point.

He thinks this is why Norwegian journalists and politicians rarely refer to the Progress Party as right-wing populist, even though researchers do.

"It's also important to recognise that there can be many reasons to oppose specific climate policy measures that aren't necessarily expressions of right-wing populism," says Sælen, adding:

"Furthermore, I believe it's helpful to approach the emotions and worldviews behind attitudes like nationalism, populism, and opposition to climate policy with empathy."

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Translated by Alette Bjordal Gjellesvik

Read the Norwegian version of this article on forskning.no

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